在人类历史事件的进程中,当一个民族必须解除其与另一个民族之间迄今所存在着的政治联系,而在世界列国之中取得那“自然法则”和“自然神明”所规定给他们的独立与平等的地位时,就有一种真诚的尊重人类公意的心理,要求他们一定要把那些迫使他们不得已而独立的原因宣布出来。
我们认为这些真理是不言而喻的:人人生而平等,他们都从他们的“造物主”那边被赋予了某些不可转让的权利,其中包括生命权、自由权和追求幸福的权利。这句话早已脍炙人口,成为回响在世界的解放号角了。为了保障这些权利,所以才在人们中间成立政府。而政府的正当权力,则系得自统治者的同意。如果遇有任何一种形式的政府变成损害这些目的的话,那末,人民就有权利来改变它或废除它,以建立新的政府。这新的政府,必须是建立在这样的原则的基础上,并且是按照这样的方式来组织它的权力机关,庶几就人民看来那是最能够促进他们的安全和幸福的。诚然,谨慎的心理会主宰着人们的意识,认为不应该为了轻微的、暂时的原因而把设立已久的政府予以变更;而过去一切的经验也正是表明,只要当那些罪恶尚可容忍时,人类总是宁愿默然忍受,而不愿废除他们所习惯了的那种政治形式以恢复他们自己的权利。然而,当一个政府恶贯满盈、倒行逆施、一贯地奉行着那一个目标,显然是企图把人民抑压在绝对专制主义的淫威之下时,人民就有这种权利,人民就有这种义务,来推翻那样的政府,而为他们未来的安全设立新的保障这一段同样经典、精辟的语言,阐述了美国的立国原则,欧洲的“社会契约论”在北美大陆上结出丰硕的果实。�
这种立国思想第一次在一份民族独立宣言这样正式的政治文件里被如此全面透彻地阐述。——。我们这些殖民地的人民过去一向是默然忍辱吞声,而现在却被迫地必须起来改变原先的政治体制,其原因即在于此。现今大不列颠国王(乔治三世)的历史,就是一部怙恶不悛、倒行逆施的历史,他那一切的措施都只有一个直接的目的,即在我们各州建立一种绝对专制的统治。为了证明这一点,让我们把具体的事实胪陈于公正的世界人士之前:下面开始列举英王在殖民地所犯下的罪恶,而这成为美国独立的主要依据,也是《独立宣言》的重要组成部分。�
他一向拒绝批准那些对于公共福利最有用和最必要的法律。�
他一向禁止他的总督们批准那些紧急而迫切需要的法令,除非是那些法令在未得其本人同意以前,暂缓发生效力;而在这样暂缓生效的期间,他又完全把那些法令置之不理。�
他一向拒绝批准其他的把广大地区供人民移居垦殖的法令,除非那些人民愿意放弃其立法机关中的代表权。此项代表权对人民来说实具有无可估量的意义,而只有对暴君来说才是可怕的。�
他一向是把各州的立法团体召集到那些特别的、不方便的、远离其公文档案库的地方去开会。其惟一目的就在使那些立法团体疲于奔命,以服从他的指使。�
他屡次解散各州的议会,因为这些议会曾以刚强不屈的坚毅的精神,反抗他那对于人民权利的侵犯。�
他在解散各州的议会以后,又长时期地不让人民另行选举;这样,那不可抹杀的“立法权”便又重新回到广大人民的手中,归人民自己来施行了;而这时各州仍然险象环生,外有侵略的威胁,内有动乱的危机。�
他一向抑制各州人口的增加;为此目的,他阻止批准“外籍人归化法案”,他又拒绝批准其他的鼓励人民移植的法令,并且更提高了新的“土地分配法令”的限制条例。�
他拒绝批准那些设置司法权力机关的法案,借此来阻止司法工作的执行。到这里为止,宣言主要历数英王在法治上,包括立法、司法方面的专制与**,这从一个侧面说明了殖民地人民民主观念、权利义务观念的成熟。�
他一向要使法官的任期年限及其薪金数额,完全由他个人的意志来决定。�
他滥设了许多新的官职,派了大批的官吏到这边来钳制我们人民,并且盘食我们的民脂民膏。�
在和平时期,他不得到我们立法机关的同意,就把常备军驻屯在我们各州。�
他一向是使军队不受民政机关的节制,而且凌驾于民政机关之上。�
他一向与其他人狼狈为奸,要我们屈服在那种与我们的宪法格格不入,并且没有被我们的法律所承认的管辖权之下;他批准他们那些假冒的法案。�
他把大批的武装部队驻扎在我们各州。�
他是用一种欺骗性的审判来包庇那些武装部队,使那些对各州居民犯了任何谋杀罪的人得以逍遥法外。在历数这些罪状中,可以看到殖民地人民对“三权分立”原则的信仰和认同。�
他割断我们与世界各地的贸易。�
他不得到我们的允许就向我们强迫征税。�
他在许多案件中剥夺了我们在司法上享有“陪审权”的利益。�
他是以“莫须有”的罪名,把我们逮解到海外的地方去受审。�
他在邻近的地区废除了那保障自由的英吉利法律体系,在那边建立了一个横暴的政府,并且扩大它的疆界,要使它迅速即成为一个范例和适当的工具,以便把那同样专制的统治引用到这些殖民地来。�
他剥夺了我们的“宪章”,废弃了我们那些宝贵的法令,并且从根本上改变了我们政府的形式。�
他停闭我们自己的立法机关,反而说他们自己有权在任何一切场合之下为我们制定法律。�
他宣布我们不在其保护范围之内并且对我们作战,这样,他就已经放弃了在这里的政权了。�
他一向掠夺我们的海上船舶,骚扰我们的沿海地区,焚毁我们的市镇,并且残害我们人民的生命。�
他此刻正在调遣着大量的外籍雇佣军,要求把我们斩尽杀绝,使我们庐舍为墟,并肆行专制的荼毒。他已经造成了残民以逞的和背信弃义的气氛,那在人类历史上最野蛮的时期都是罕有其匹的。他完全不配做一个文明国家的元首。�
他一向强迫我们那些在海上被俘虏的同胞公民们从军以反抗其本国,充当屠杀其兄弟朋友的刽子手,或者他们自己被其兄弟朋友亲手所杀死。�
他一向煽动我们内部的叛乱,并且一向竭力勾结我们边疆上的居民、那些残忍的印第安蛮族来侵犯。印第安人所著称的作战方式,就是不论男女、老幼和情况,一概毁灭无遗。�
在他施行这些高压政策的每一个阶段,我们都曾经用最谦卑的词句吁请改革;然而,我们屡次的吁请,结果所得到的答复却只是屡次的侮辱。一个如此罪恶昭彰的君主,其一切的行为都可以确认为暴君,实不堪做一个自由民族的统治者。通过阅读这些历数的罪恶,可以看到北美殖民地人民在政治上的成熟。同时,作者在罗列时也是经过深思熟虑的,没有罗列那些具体的罪行,更多的是充满理性的权利上的诉求,这反而使理由显得更具有力量,现在读来仍令人心动。�
我们对于我们的那些英国兄弟们也不是没有注意的。我们曾经时时警告他们不要企图用他们的立法程序,把一种不合法的管辖权横加到我们身上来。继续论证采取独立行动的正当性与合理性。我们曾经提醒他们注意到我们在此地移植和居住的实际情况。我们曾经向他们天生的正义感和侠义精神呼吁,而且我们也曾经用我们那同文同种的亲谊向他们恳切陈词,要求取消那些倒行逆施的暴政,认为那些暴政势必将使我们之间的联系和友谊归于破裂。然而,他们也同样地把这正义的、血肉之亲的呼吁置若罔闻。因此,他们不得不承认与他们有分离的必要,而我们对待他们也如同对待其他的人类一样,在战时是仇敌,在平时则为朋友。理性的力量继续洋溢其中。在其独立宣言中,在历数了宗主国的罪恶后,进而表示愿意与其在和平时期和平相处,令人赞叹宣言起草人的战略眼光和理性力量。�
因此,我们这些集合在大会中的美利坚合众国的代表们,吁请世界人士的最高裁判,来判断我们这些意图的正义性。开始接近结论了。我们以这些殖民地的善良人民的名义和权力,谨庄严地宣布并昭告:这些联合殖民地从此成为而且名正言顺地应当成为自由独立的合众国;它们解除对于英王的一切隶属关系,而它们与大不列颠王国之间的一切政治联系亦应从此完全废止。作为自由独立的合众国,它们享有全权去宣战、媾和、缔结同盟、建立商务关系或采取一切其他凡为独立国家所理应采取的行动和事宜。为了拥护此项“宣言”,怀着深信神明福佑的信心,我们谨以我们的生命、财产和神圣的荣誉互相共同保证,永誓不贰。最后的宣言庄严神圣而严谨到位,十分得体。使人感到巨大的力量。
原文:
IN CONGRESS, JULY 4, 1776
The unanimous Declaration of the thirteen united States of America
When in the Course of human events it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another and to assume among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the Laws of Nature and of Nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation.
We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness. --That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed, --That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that Governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and accordingly all experience hath shewn that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same Object evinces a design to reduce them under absolute Despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such Government, and to provide new Guards for their future security. --Such has been the patient sufferance of these Colonies; and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their former Systems of Government. The history of the present King of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establishment of an absolute Tyranny over these States. To prove this, let Facts be submitted to a candid world.
He has refuted his Assent to Laws, the most wholesome and necessary for the public good.
He has forbidden his Governors to pass Laws of immediate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation till his Assent should be obtained; and when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them.
He has refused to pass other Laws for the accommodation of large districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of Representation in the Legislature, a right inestimable to them and formidable to tyrants only.
He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their Public Records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures.
He has dissolved Representative Houses repeatedly, for opposing with manly firmness his invasions on the rights of the people.
He has refused for a long time, after such dissolutions, to cause others to be elected, whereby the Legislative Powers, incapable of Annihilation, have returned to the People at large for their exercise; the State remaining in the mean time exposed to all the dangers of invasion from without, and convulsions within.
He has endeavoured to prevent the population of these States; for that purpose obstructing the Laws for Naturalization of Foreigners; refusing to pass others to encourage their migrations hither, and raising the conditions of new Appropriations of Lands.
He has obstructed the Administration of Justice by refusing his Assent to Laws for establishing Judiciary Powers.
He has made Judges dependent on his Will alone for the tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries.
He has erected a multitude of New Offices, and sent hither swarms of Officers to harass our people and eat out their substance.
He has kept among us, in times of peace, Standing Armies without the Consent of our legislatures.
He has affected to render the Military independent of and superior to the Civil Power.
He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his Assent to their Acts of pretended Legislation:
For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us:
For protecting them, by a mock Trial from punishment for any Murders which they should commit on the Inhabitants of these States:
For cutting off our Trade with all parts of the world:
For imposing Taxes on us without our Consent:
For depriving us in many cases, of the benefit of Trial by Jury:
For transporting us beyond Seas to be tried for pretended offences:
For abolishing the free System of English Laws in a neighbouring Province, establishing therein an Arbitrary government, and enlarging its Boundaries so as to render it at once an example and fit instrument for introducing the same absolute rule into these Colonies
For taking away our Charters, abolishing our most valuable Laws and altering fundamentally the Forms of our Governments:
For suspending our own Legislatures, and declaring themselves invested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever.
He has abdicated Government here, by declaring us out of his Protection and waging War against us.
He has plundered our seas, ravaged our Coasts burnt our towns, and destroyed the lives of our people.
He is at this time transporting large Armies of foreign Mercenaries to compleat the works of death, desolation, and tyranny, already begun with circumstances of Cruelty & Perfidy scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy the Head of a civilized nation.
He has constrained our fellow Citizens taken Captive on the high Seas to bear Arms against their Country, to become the executioners of their friends and Brethren, or to fall themselves by their Hands.
He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and has endeavoured to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the merciless Indian Savages whose known rule of warfare, is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes and conditions.
In every stage of these Oppressions We have Petitioned for Redress in the most humble terms: Our repeated Petitions have been answered only by repeated injury. A Prince, whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a Tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people.
Nor have We been wanting in attentions to our British brethren. We have warned them from time to time of attempts by their legislature to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of the circumstances of our emigration and settlement here. We have appealed to their native justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured them by the ties of our common kindred. to disavow these usurpations, which would inevitably interrupt our connections and correspondence. They too have been deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity, which denounces our Separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind, Enemies in War, in Peace Friends.
We, therefore, the Representatives of the United States of America, in General Congress, Assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the Name, and by Authority of the good People of these Colonies, solemnly publish and declare, That these United Colonies are, and of Right ought to be Free and Independent States, that they are Absolved from all Allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain, is and ought to be totally dissolved; and that as Free and Independent States, they have full Power to levy War, conclude Peace contract Alliances, establish Commerce, and to do all other Acts and Things which Independent States may of right do. --And for the support of this Declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of Divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes and our sacred Honor.
--John Hancock
New Hampshire:
Josiah Bartlett, William Whipple, Matthew Thornton
Massachusetts:
John Hancock, Samuel Adams, John Adams, Robert Treat Paine, Elbridge Gerry
Rhode Island:
Stephen Hopkins, William Ellery
Connecticut:
Roger Sherman, Samuel Huntington, William Williams, Oliver Wolcott
New York:
William Floyd, Philip Livingston, Francis Lewis, Lewis Morris
New Jersey:
Richard Stockton, John Witherspoon, Francis Hopkinson, John Hart, Abraham Clark
Pennsylvania:
Robert Morris, Benjamin Rush, Benjamin Franklin, John Morton, George Clymer, James Smith, George Taylor, James Wilson, George Ross
Delaware:
Caesar Rodney, George Read, Thomas McKean
Maryland:
Samuel Chase, William Paca, Thomas Stone, Charles Carroll of Carrollton
Virginia:
George Wythe, Richard Henry Lee, Thomas Jefferson, Benjamin Harrison, Thomas Nelson, Jr., Francis Lightfoot Lee, Carter Braxton
North Carolina:
William Hooper, Joseph Hewes, John Penn
South Carolina:
Edward Rutledge, Thomas Heyward, Jr., Thomas Lynch, Jr., Arthur Middleton
Georgia:
Button Gwinnett, Lyman Hall, George Walton
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